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EN
Intrusive thoughts are characteristic of psychological disorders; attempts to cope can become maladaptive perpetuating the problem (e.g., thought suppression), while others can provide long-term symptoms relief (e.g., acceptance). Although emerging research begins to explore the neural correlates of these strategies in healthy population, it is important to explore these strategies in populations more likely to naturally attempt to use such strategies (clinical symptoms). The present study explored if the use of cognitive strategies to manage intrusive cognitions would be differentially reflected in psychophysiological measures (i.e., error-related negativity) of individuals characterized by obsessive-compulsive symptoms -a group commonly associated with suppression efforts- relative to a low OC control. 67 participants with high and low OC symptoms were randomly assigned to cognitive strategy (suppression or acceptance). Participants watched an emotion-eliciting video clip and used the assigned cognitive strategy while performing the Stroop task. EEG data was collected. Consistent with well-established and emerging literature, ERN was enhanced in individuals with high OC symptoms and a marginal effect of thought-control strategy was observed, such that ERN amplitude was reduced in the suppression condition and greater for the acceptance condition. Uniquely, the study expanded on emerging literature by exploring whether the relationship between ERN and cognitive strategies was moderated by OC level. Although results were not conclusive, these preliminary findings represent an important first step to study effects of suppression and acceptance on the ERN in a sample characterized by clinically-relevant symptoms and overall encourage further exploration.
EN
INTRODUCTION: Because of the importance of the problem for public health, which is the knowledge of psychological factors that may affect the course of cancer, a study was carried out to assess the frequency and determinants of disease acceptance in patients with colorectal cancer in the period immediately preceding the surgical intervention. MATERIAL AND METHODS: 200 patients with colorectal cancer participated in the questionnaire study. In order to identify the final predictors influencing the acceptance of cancer, logistic regression analysis was performed along with the verification of parametrization using the automatic backward selection method. RESULTS: Slightly more than half of the respondents (56.5%) with colorectal cancer do not accept their disease in the period immediately preceding the surgical intervention. Among the determinants influencing the acceptance of the disease were the following variables: family history of colorectal cancer and satisfaction with medical care. CONCLUSIONS: More frequent acceptance of colorectal cancer occurs in patients who declare satisfaction with medical care and among patients with a family history of colorectal cancer.
PL
WSTĘP: Ze względu na znaczenie dla zdrowia publicznego problemu, jakim jest poznanie czynników psychologicznych mogących mieć znaczenie dla przebiegu choroby nowotworowej, zrealizowano badanie, którego celem była ocena częstości i uwarunkowań akceptacji choroby u pacjentów z rakiem jelita grubego w okresie bezpośrednio poprzedzającym interwencję chirurgiczną. MATERIAŁ I METODY: W badaniu kwestionariuszowym wzięło udział 200 pacjentów z rozpoznanym rakiem jelita grubego. W celu zidentyfikowania ostatecznych predyktorów mających wpływ na akceptację choroby nowotworowej wykonano analizę regresji logistycznej wraz z weryfikującą parametryzacją za pomocą automatycznej selekcji wstecznej. WYNIKI: Nieco ponad połowa badanych (56,5%) z rakiem jelita grubego w okresie bezpośrednio poprzedzającym interwencję chirurgiczną nie akceptuje swojej choroby. Wpływ na akceptację choroby miały zmienne: występowanie raka jelita grubego w rodzinie oraz zadowolenie z opieki medycznej. WNIOSKI: Częstsza akceptacja choroby nowotworowej jelita grubego występuje u pacjentów deklarujących zadowolenie z opieki medycznej oraz u pacjentów, u których rak jelita grubego występował w rodzinie.
EN
Author considers assumptions related to foul play in sport as a phenomenon, that affect the body, psyche, or relationships - various social involvements, conditionings, and determinants of those involved with that particular form of athletic activity. This includes fouls committed on and off the field, as well as those not even related to a particular game. Our considerations include fouls of a verbal or acoustic nature; fouls in the form of printed materials; those in the form of visual commentary in films, TV shows, Internet appearances, whether in feature films, dramatized documentaries, documentaries or reports presented in a different publications, festivals, exhibitions, during which co-participants, adversaries or competitors make comments on past or future events during or beyond the competition.Fouls in sport, particularly those committed by athletes during competition, will always be inconsistent with the accepted rules of the game, that is, with the official regulations. Fouls will also always influence - in more or less annoying, depressing, painful or even tragic ways - the fate and the health of athletes.No logical - conditional, cause and effect - connection exists between a foul and the rules. Neither the need for nor praise of foul play can stem from the regulations. Yet people directly associated with the sport tolerate it because there is a widespread, quiet acquiescence of such play. Foul play is strongly opposed by supporters of the fair play principle, by those who do not regard sports competition as a phenomenon that can be considered independently beyond moral good and evil.Foul play is seen also as a desirable phenomenon, when inter alia, regardless of the various penalties imposed on players and team, it helps - in the final balance of losses and benefits - to achieve the planned success. Moreover, it is worth adding that, for instance, the so-called "good foul" in basketball enables one to stop the game clock, the so-called pure-play time of the referee. This creates the possibility of obtaining at least one more point (for a possible 3-point shot from a distance) than the team that executes its two one-point penalty shots granted for the offense (that is, "good foul").Foul play may also enhance the course of the sports spectacle, and encourage spectators to cheer more frequently. This is particularly important when professional athletic contests are treated as a form of business. The dramatization of foul play as a creation of "game" within a game can also be an additional attraction of the competition; foul play might be used as sophisticated and spectacular trickery, that dismays and hurts in its pragmatic-aesthetic construction, both the referee and the opponent.Foul play in sports has so many forms and will probably never lose its popular and sometimes spectacular character. Knowing that, everything should be done to protect players from bothersome health, interpersonal, and cultural disablements resulting from foul play.
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